Presidential elections, or the Polish status quo

What distinguishes us from traditional, classical Western democracies in Polish socio-political life and state structure is the difference in values, attitudes, principles, and patterns of exercising power. We observed this phenomenon clearly throughout the campaign preceding the first round of this year's presidential elections. And we are observing it even more clearly ahead of the second round.

A brawl, a mess, low blows, populist programs and… not a word about the need for urgent systemic changes for the benefit of the citizen.

Where does this come from? These phenomena have historical roots. Therefore, after 36 years of Polish semi-democracy, we should conduct historical analyses of the lack of true democracy in our country.

Elites in the Polish government system

Today's Poland operates a two-segment, or dichotomous, state system, based largely on bureaucracy. Its origins lay in an agreement between the leaders of the Polish People's Republic and the Solidarity elite, which began at the Round Table Talks in 1989. This led to the first democratic elections in post-war Poland, a restructuring of the legislative and executive branches (though not the judiciary), and necessary economic reforms. In parallel, political elites emerged, representing a blend of "old" and "new" elites, who gradually seized power in the country.

The systemic transformation after 1989 and the overthrow of the communist system led to the creation of elites in the political arena who – by controlling the state's politics and economy – contributed to the emergence of a two-segment system with democratic elements.

In parallel, new economic elites were forming, initially unconnected with political power, but rather with new market economy institutions based on private ownership and entrepreneurship, but above all, on long-established connections. They exploited the massive privatization of the Polish economy to enrich themselves.

In the phenomena described here, so-called intellectual elites played a significant role only in the initial phase of the political transformation. After fulfilling their "historical mission," they disintegrated and handed over the leading role in society to newly created political elites. Only a few intellectuals managed to penetrate the elite spheres of businessmen or politicians.

The process described led to a social and moral redefinition in Polish society, characterized by the development of individualism as a lifestyle and the economic status of individuals, which is a qualifying factor for elite membership. A gradual process of interpenetration and symbiosis between political and economic elites occurred. Over time, political elites materialized their needs and values, while new economic elites laid claim to power and political careers. Thus, a symbiosis of the interests of both categories of elite social groups occurred. This gave rise to the previously mentioned two-segment system/dichotomy, which has nothing to do with true democracy, that is, a state system controlled from the bottom up by its citizens, either directly or through their representatives, which the elites certainly are not.

A so-called parallel society has emerged, which can be simply described as "us and you."

Imitation of democracy

The Polish state undoubtedly possesses democratic institutions and procedures for its legislative and executive branches, including local government. Regular elections to the Sejm and Senate are held, and all citizens are constitutionally guaranteed equal rights. On the other hand, there is a network of cohesive political and economic elites that de facto run the state in the name of "higher values," which are nothing more than maximizing their own profit. Therefore, it is a system based on semi-democratic, or incompletely democratic, pillars, which I would call a semi-democratic form of statecraft or a feeble imitation of democracy.

This semi-democracy, shaped over recent decades, is a system that has become ingrained in Polish society, and, worse still, accepted by citizens who, in any case, have little choice. It is certainly a better imitation of democracy than the so-called people's democracy of the Polish People's Republic, which, however, is no consolation, because an imitation, whatever it may be, will always remain an imitation. Nevertheless, there are significant similarities between today's semi-democracy in Poland and the people's democracy of the 1944-1989 period. A prime example is the occupancy of all senior public positions by so-called "own" people, with no consideration given to skills or qualifications. Equally striking are the styles of so-called dialogue between the government and society practiced in these systems, which usually boils down to a monologue of the ruling elites. Elite politicians, including current candidates for the office of President of the Republic of Poland, invoke supposed universal laws—historical, economic, or natural—which, however, they fail to fully define. They readily embrace the slogan of "reason of state," for example, in the case of Poland's historic mission to join the EU, NATO, etc. Reason of state... one should ask whether Polish elites have a monopoly on "reason," and if so, for which "state"? At one time, Bierut, Gomułka, Gierek, and Jaruzelski also used universal values and reasons of state to maintain power.

Second round of elections

Regardless of which candidate is elected President of the Republic of Poland on June 1, 2025, we can be certain of one thing: the semi-democratic status quo in Polish politics will not change. It will only confirm Polish social relations, which are confrontational and characterized by a negligible ability to understand the socio-political environment, and the emerging law will continue to serve a select elite.

After reading this text, is it necessary to analyze the election platforms of both candidates for the highest office in the Polish state? Yes, one could comment on and analyze this political farce, but… every farce remains a farce.